February 27,2006
「二二八全球接力秀台灣-24小時共筆書寫」
由於國民黨政府多年的駝鳥心態 未早把二二八真實歷史呈現
台灣人民對此喪失了知的權利
對岸的中國更以此為宣傳 1977年出版以上紀念郵票
就如郵票中的標題
台灣人民為了要接受中國共產黨而於二二八起義
郵票中更傳達了中國政府想要解放台灣的決心
台灣人民眼中的二二八事件是個哀傷 沉重的傷口
但是對於不敢面對歷史的人 卻以它為一個挑起族群衝突 省籍意識的藉口
人人都說可從歷史學習
假如要由歷史中學習 就必須先給人民一個真實事實的歷史
此外 不要避免面對它 它的存在是一個多元族群社會最好的教材
我們應該從中反思族群和諧的重要性
假如我們仍是不敢面對歷史的人
我們永遠不會了解事實的真相
假如我們不敢面對歷史
我們很容易被誤導而產生衝突
中國對台灣的決心不變
台灣的民心卻搖搖擺擺的不能做自己的主人
希望由以上兩張諷刺的郵票
足以讓我們好好反省
團結並思考我們的未來
台灣人民對此喪失了知的權利
對岸的中國更以此為宣傳 1977年出版以上紀念郵票
就如郵票中的標題
台灣人民為了要接受中國共產黨而於二二八起義
郵票中更傳達了中國政府想要解放台灣的決心
台灣人民眼中的二二八事件是個哀傷 沉重的傷口
但是對於不敢面對歷史的人 卻以它為一個挑起族群衝突 省籍意識的藉口
人人都說可從歷史學習
假如要由歷史中學習 就必須先給人民一個真實事實的歷史
此外 不要避免面對它 它的存在是一個多元族群社會最好的教材
我們應該從中反思族群和諧的重要性
假如我們仍是不敢面對歷史的人
我們永遠不會了解事實的真相
假如我們不敢面對歷史
我們很容易被誤導而產生衝突
中國對台灣的決心不變
台灣的民心卻搖搖擺擺的不能做自己的主人
希望由以上兩張諷刺的郵票
足以讓我們好好反省
團結並思考我們的未來
引用URL
http://cgi.blog.roodo.com/trackback/1178507
回應文章 
A Brief Introduction of the 228 Massacre
Prior to the 228 Massacre, from expectation to disappointment
During the period of Japanese administration, the residents in Taiwan had experienced a society which was prosperous and ruled by law. Compared with all Asian countries, Formosa was second only to Japan (Peng Ming-min, 1972). The economic achievement did not completely win the will of the people in Taiwan. However, when the Allied Powers conquered the Japanese army, Formosans were pleased with the prospect of a new era. Li recalled that “pasted on the front door of every house were slips of red paper on which slogans such as “REJOINCE OVER THE GLORIOUS RETURN TO OUR FATHERLAND” and “WELCOME GERERAL CHEN YI TO FORMOSA” were neatly written with Chinese brush”(Li Thian-hok, 1956). Yet the joy of reunification did not last very long.
The people in Formosa for the first time saw “their” Chinese army, but what the impression they gained was surprise and disappointment. An interview with Professor Shioya by Douglas Mendel proved that “the mainland troops were so poor and shabby…” especially Formosans “had been used to smartly-dressed and disciplined Japanese soldiers who were clean, neat, and well-behaved” (Douglas Mendel, 1970). Soon the negative feeling spread to the whole island. They could not understand why the standard of living in China, one of the major powers in the world, was much lower than the Formosa. As Pen pointed out “the newcomers showed so often that they were unfamiliar with modern equipment and modern organisation”(Pen, 1972).
In addition, General Chen Yi, the governor of Formosa, allowed mainlanders enjoying privileges to the higher and better jobs in the all levels of his bureaucracy. Under Japanese rule, it was impossible for Formosans to hold management positions. However, the Nationalist government still retained the unfair system unchanged and even if more deteriorated(Alan M. Wachman, 1988).
During the eighteen months governed by the Chen Yi administration, the worst situation was about the collapse of Taiwan’s economy under the early Chinese rule after the Second World War. Mendel’s research shows that “during 1946, it was estimated that 80 per cent of the naitve-born Formosan industrial workers lost their jobs, and between Novermber 1945 and January 1947 commodity price indices rose 700 per cent for food, 1,400 per cent for fuel and building materials, and 25,000 per cent for fertilizer” (Mendel, 1970). All these unexpected things were just paving the way for an island-wide rebellion, the so-called 228 incident.
The 228 Massacre
On the evening of February 27th, 1947, a Formosan woman was selling matches and cigarettes without the government’s permit on a Taipei street. It was seen as an “illegal” peddling for the Tobacco and Wine Monopoly Bureau (a government agency that monopolized the sale of alcohol and tobacco: it did not exist under Japanese rule) (Wachman, 1988). Several policemen then beat this old woman. “Angry spectators closed in and the agents, frightened, shot wildly, killing at least one man”(Pen, 1972). More Formosans gathered in front of the Monopoly agents to protest about the shooting and burned the officials’ cars.
In the morning of next day (February 28), Chen Yi’s loyal soldiers fired machine guns at a crowd of demonstrators moving towards the governor’s office, causing the death of several of them(Mendel, 1970). The Chen Yi administration seemed to be not in control of angry Formosans. On the other hand, some of the Formosans started attacking mainlanders. Wachman points out that “that night, and all the following days, mobs of Taiwanese in Taipei and other cities across the island went on a rampage assaulting Mainlanders and destroying their property” (Wachman, 1988).
In order to end the confrontations between Formosans and the Chen administration, a communication channel (Settlement Committee) was established by Governor Chen Yi and Formosa’s social elite. Chen Yi promised that he would not bring troops into Taipei and claimed that he was delighted to listen to the Formosan’s suggestions of reform(Pen, 1972). The week follow the incident of that night, the violent conflicts were brought gradually under control and the order of regular living also improved(Li, 1956). The Nationalist troops of Chiang Kai-shek, coming from the Mainland China, were landed at Keelung harbour (northern Taiwan) in the mid-afternoon of March 8.
George Kerr demonstrated that “2,000 gendarmes were first put ashore to control the Keelung dock area, after which 8,000 regular troops came off. Concurrently at Kaohsiung (southern Taiwan) some 3,000 troops landed form the ship Hai Ping” (George H. Kerr, 1965). Soon after “they carried American and Japanese equipment as they marched toward the capital to begin a month of retaliatory massacre”(Mendel, 1970). It is hard to know precisely how many Formosans were killed in the incident. According to Wachman’s research, official material shows number as six thousand and three hundred people. However, both Peng and Kerr estimated the number of death as between 10,000 and 20,000.
Prior to the 228 Massacre, from expectation to disappointment
During the period of Japanese administration, the residents in Taiwan had experienced a society which was prosperous and ruled by law. Compared with all Asian countries, Formosa was second only to Japan (Peng Ming-min, 1972). The economic achievement did not completely win the will of the people in Taiwan. However, when the Allied Powers conquered the Japanese army, Formosans were pleased with the prospect of a new era. Li recalled that “pasted on the front door of every house were slips of red paper on which slogans such as “REJOINCE OVER THE GLORIOUS RETURN TO OUR FATHERLAND” and “WELCOME GERERAL CHEN YI TO FORMOSA” were neatly written with Chinese brush”(Li Thian-hok, 1956). Yet the joy of reunification did not last very long.
The people in Formosa for the first time saw “their” Chinese army, but what the impression they gained was surprise and disappointment. An interview with Professor Shioya by Douglas Mendel proved that “the mainland troops were so poor and shabby…” especially Formosans “had been used to smartly-dressed and disciplined Japanese soldiers who were clean, neat, and well-behaved” (Douglas Mendel, 1970). Soon the negative feeling spread to the whole island. They could not understand why the standard of living in China, one of the major powers in the world, was much lower than the Formosa. As Pen pointed out “the newcomers showed so often that they were unfamiliar with modern equipment and modern organisation”(Pen, 1972).
In addition, General Chen Yi, the governor of Formosa, allowed mainlanders enjoying privileges to the higher and better jobs in the all levels of his bureaucracy. Under Japanese rule, it was impossible for Formosans to hold management positions. However, the Nationalist government still retained the unfair system unchanged and even if more deteriorated(Alan M. Wachman, 1988).
During the eighteen months governed by the Chen Yi administration, the worst situation was about the collapse of Taiwan’s economy under the early Chinese rule after the Second World War. Mendel’s research shows that “during 1946, it was estimated that 80 per cent of the naitve-born Formosan industrial workers lost their jobs, and between Novermber 1945 and January 1947 commodity price indices rose 700 per cent for food, 1,400 per cent for fuel and building materials, and 25,000 per cent for fertilizer” (Mendel, 1970). All these unexpected things were just paving the way for an island-wide rebellion, the so-called 228 incident.
The 228 Massacre
On the evening of February 27th, 1947, a Formosan woman was selling matches and cigarettes without the government’s permit on a Taipei street. It was seen as an “illegal” peddling for the Tobacco and Wine Monopoly Bureau (a government agency that monopolized the sale of alcohol and tobacco: it did not exist under Japanese rule) (Wachman, 1988). Several policemen then beat this old woman. “Angry spectators closed in and the agents, frightened, shot wildly, killing at least one man”(Pen, 1972). More Formosans gathered in front of the Monopoly agents to protest about the shooting and burned the officials’ cars.
In the morning of next day (February 28), Chen Yi’s loyal soldiers fired machine guns at a crowd of demonstrators moving towards the governor’s office, causing the death of several of them(Mendel, 1970). The Chen Yi administration seemed to be not in control of angry Formosans. On the other hand, some of the Formosans started attacking mainlanders. Wachman points out that “that night, and all the following days, mobs of Taiwanese in Taipei and other cities across the island went on a rampage assaulting Mainlanders and destroying their property” (Wachman, 1988).
In order to end the confrontations between Formosans and the Chen administration, a communication channel (Settlement Committee) was established by Governor Chen Yi and Formosa’s social elite. Chen Yi promised that he would not bring troops into Taipei and claimed that he was delighted to listen to the Formosan’s suggestions of reform(Pen, 1972). The week follow the incident of that night, the violent conflicts were brought gradually under control and the order of regular living also improved(Li, 1956). The Nationalist troops of Chiang Kai-shek, coming from the Mainland China, were landed at Keelung harbour (northern Taiwan) in the mid-afternoon of March 8.
George Kerr demonstrated that “2,000 gendarmes were first put ashore to control the Keelung dock area, after which 8,000 regular troops came off. Concurrently at Kaohsiung (southern Taiwan) some 3,000 troops landed form the ship Hai Ping” (George H. Kerr, 1965). Soon after “they carried American and Japanese equipment as they marched toward the capital to begin a month of retaliatory massacre”(Mendel, 1970). It is hard to know precisely how many Formosans were killed in the incident. According to Wachman’s research, official material shows number as six thousand and three hundred people. However, both Peng and Kerr estimated the number of death as between 10,000 and 20,000.
Posted by Leo
at February 27,2006 08:15
If we never know what is the truth, how can we forgive?
Now 228 is a memorial day. But I think most of the Taiwanese still don't know what's actually that for.
Now 228 is a memorial day. But I think most of the Taiwanese still don't know what's actually that for.
Posted by Olive
at February 27,2006 17:42
I like peace
I like Taiwan
One Taiwan One China
I like Taiwan
One Taiwan One China
Posted by fly
at February 28,2006 11:56
時空回到八零年代晚期
一名留學英國的台灣年輕人
以頭上榜著白布條
抗議中華民國旅英同學會在二二八當日舉辦舞會
結果他竟然成為國民黨政府的黑名單
從此當他的中華民國護照過期 不得補發新的 當祖母過世也不能回台奔喪
也曾經有來英國留學的台灣軍官 打電話威脅他的生命安全 因為他批評國民黨政府
所幸幾年後 前總統李登輝 將黑名單解禁 他才又恢復中華民國國民的身分
25/02/06 我在倫敦參加台灣小吃節 看著他的身影穿梭在人群中發傳單
原來他在邀請台灣人還有外國人參加26/02/06 在倫敦舉辦的
了解二二八的影片欣賞
他說這幾年來每年都在做同樣的事情 (參與策劃在倫敦所舉辦的二二八活動)
我說如果沒有"像"你們這樣的人
為還原二二八事件的歷史而努力 那此事件可能還被國民黨定位為
被共產黨煽動所導致的"集體暴動"
他當然知道自己為什麼努力 發生二二八事件的最重要因素之一
就是落後 腐敗 無法治觀念的統治階層
來管理較進步較守法的台灣人民 所產生的悲劇
放眼未來
他是快樂的 充滿希望的 為台灣免於被中國吞併而努力
因為歷史故訴他
類似的災難可能再發生 如果台灣人民萬一再次被中國統治
現在的他也不必再為 追求二二八歷史真相 而受到國民黨威脅
現在的他也不會孤單 因為認識二二八屠殺事件的台灣人愈來愈多
今天是二二八 除了緬懷那些已過世的受難者
我還要向那些在二二八事件後 為還原此一事件而犧牲奉獻的人致敬
一名留學英國的台灣年輕人
以頭上榜著白布條
抗議中華民國旅英同學會在二二八當日舉辦舞會
結果他竟然成為國民黨政府的黑名單
從此當他的中華民國護照過期 不得補發新的 當祖母過世也不能回台奔喪
也曾經有來英國留學的台灣軍官 打電話威脅他的生命安全 因為他批評國民黨政府
所幸幾年後 前總統李登輝 將黑名單解禁 他才又恢復中華民國國民的身分
25/02/06 我在倫敦參加台灣小吃節 看著他的身影穿梭在人群中發傳單
原來他在邀請台灣人還有外國人參加26/02/06 在倫敦舉辦的
了解二二八的影片欣賞
他說這幾年來每年都在做同樣的事情 (參與策劃在倫敦所舉辦的二二八活動)
我說如果沒有"像"你們這樣的人
為還原二二八事件的歷史而努力 那此事件可能還被國民黨定位為
被共產黨煽動所導致的"集體暴動"
他當然知道自己為什麼努力 發生二二八事件的最重要因素之一
就是落後 腐敗 無法治觀念的統治階層
來管理較進步較守法的台灣人民 所產生的悲劇
放眼未來
他是快樂的 充滿希望的 為台灣免於被中國吞併而努力
因為歷史故訴他
類似的災難可能再發生 如果台灣人民萬一再次被中國統治
現在的他也不必再為 追求二二八歷史真相 而受到國民黨威脅
現在的他也不會孤單 因為認識二二八屠殺事件的台灣人愈來愈多
今天是二二八 除了緬懷那些已過世的受難者
我還要向那些在二二八事件後 為還原此一事件而犧牲奉獻的人致敬
Posted by Leo
at February 28,2006 19:31
Posted by Olive
at February 28,2006 20:29
The UKFS has been joining the 228 Marathon Writting Activity. I posted our web address this morning on one of those Blogers's blog holding this activity.
Posted by Leo
at February 28,2006 20:44
Thanks a lot. I have found the link.
http://blog.roodo.com/moonlytw/archives/1182975.html
Really appreciate.
http://blog.roodo.com/moonlytw/archives/1182975.html
Really appreciate.
Posted by Olive
at February 28,2006 20:58
馬英九接受TVBS詹宜怡專訪
國民黨主席馬英九:「我個人瞭解來講的話,當然要負最大的責任就是當時的行政長官陳儀先生,那他的施政,可以說是228發生最重要的因素,...
陳儀後來被蔣介石處死 馬英九的說法有替當時的國民黨政府逃避責任之嫌 因為
二二八事件不是只有發生在28/02/1947 以前的那一部分 因陳儀的不當施政所引發的悲劇才屬於二二八事件
相反的 二二八事件最恐怖的是後來08/03/1947以後
國民黨政府從中國調派軍隊分別在基隆與高雄港登陸 然後更大的屠殺悲劇開始發生
(多數的二二八罹難者死於這個時期) 加上後來有計畫的逮捕與殘殺參與二二八事件的台籍精英 這一點如果沒有蔣介石調派軍隊 大屠殺如何產生
國民黨主席馬英九:「我個人瞭解來講的話,當然要負最大的責任就是當時的行政長官陳儀先生,那他的施政,可以說是228發生最重要的因素,...
陳儀後來被蔣介石處死 馬英九的說法有替當時的國民黨政府逃避責任之嫌 因為
二二八事件不是只有發生在28/02/1947 以前的那一部分 因陳儀的不當施政所引發的悲劇才屬於二二八事件
相反的 二二八事件最恐怖的是後來08/03/1947以後
國民黨政府從中國調派軍隊分別在基隆與高雄港登陸 然後更大的屠殺悲劇開始發生
(多數的二二八罹難者死於這個時期) 加上後來有計畫的逮捕與殘殺參與二二八事件的台籍精英 這一點如果沒有蔣介石調派軍隊 大屠殺如何產生
Posted by Leo
at March 1,2006 00:39
[URL=http://www.wertino.cn/teresa-orlowsky] teresa orlowsky [/URL] teresa orlowsky [URL=http://www.wertino.cn/geospirit] geospirit [/URL] geospirit [URL=http://www.wertino.cn/altalena-chicco] altalena chicco [/URL] altalena chicco
Posted by Karen
at June 14,2008 12:21

