『變』，是唯一不變的法則。

就我的認知，是沒有。我不知道北宜高這個名字是怎麼來的。
但我知道，我們有一條含有雪山隧道的第五號高速公路。
雪山隧道，原名坪林隧道，此名稱當時已被大英百科全書收錄，認定為東亞第一長隧道。經由2001年由陳水扁總統親自訪查，因坪林鄉為雪山山脈支脈，遂逕自更名雪山隧道，並於後一個禮拜進行換牌作業。

雪山隧道，全長12.9公里，歷經15年的施工及多次的工程意外，於2004年9月正式貫通，並於2006年6月16日正式啟用，設計最高時速80公里，雙向雙孔。此隧道施工難度之高，還列入了大英百科全書[1]。目前是台灣及東亞最長，世界第五長的公路隧道。全線的的車道數均為四車道，南港至頭城為主線收費站，頭城以南為匝道閉合式收費站。

這條公路叫做「蔣渭水高速公路」

高速公路局查詢系統

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volvo 廣告詞
人生最重要的不是所在的位置 而是要去的方向
我的想法 方向你可以決定 但你卻不能決定位置

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耶穌說：「 你們中間誰是沒有罪的，誰就可以先拿石頭打他。」(約翰8：7）

聖經規勸人說：「不要論斷人，免得自己反而被論斷 。你怎樣論斷人，也必怎樣被論斷。」(馬太7：1)
諸如此類的勸誨，平日聽起來宛如嘮叨老母的「淅淅念」，到了應驗的時候卻是如雷貫耳，令人悔不當初。

羅馬書二章：「你這論斷人的，無論你是誰，也無可推諉。你在甚麼事上論斷人，就在甚麼事上定自己的罪；因你這論斷人的，自己所行卻和別人一樣 . . .我們知道這樣行的人，神必照真理審判他。你這人哪，你論斷行這樣事的人，自己所行的卻和別人一樣，你以為能逃脫神的審判麼？還是你藐視他豐富的恩慈、寬 容、忍耐，不曉得他的恩慈是領你悔改呢？你竟任著你剛硬不悔改的心，為自己積蓄忿怒，以致神震怒，顯他公義審判的日子來到。他必照各人的行為報應各人。」

文末：
謝謝妙子，妳讓我又想起了我在學校修韓國課的時候，台上韓國老師的Judgment。
實在諷刺，他叫我們背聖經(馬太7：1)。
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不如把老美制度引進，不用在廢話這麼多 。

目前吵的沸沸揚揚的就是某人要不要回台灣生孩子，全台灣都在看。
在下提供美國的制度，期能對所有在台灣的檢驗檢驗誰過的了關。

在美國，任何人從事跟聯邦政府機密有關的政府工作，或有機會接觸到任何機密等級資料的工作，前提是要能過通過美國政府嚴格的安全查核(security clearance)。一般最低階的security clearance至少都要經過政府單位 6個月到1年的背景調查與實地查訪，高階的security clearance甚至有可能調查長達兩年以上。審查內容從個人最基本的信用、財產、犯罪記錄，到家人、鄰居、親友的明察暗訪、個人旅行記錄等等。就算你 是美國人，若你的直系親屬有外國籍，基本上要通過security clearance就非常困難，越高機密等級工作的security clearance就越嚴格。

也就是說，今天要選總統的，不好意思，妳的家人有外國籍的，不合格。
這是美國人對忠誠度的檢驗。最近有人說，沒有所謂的忠誠度問題，我不相信。
讀書人可是懂得客觀判斷，冷靜思考。
不過至少我相信發票確實是你被捅了樓子，我相信你不知情的。

結語。當妳用這樣的觀點去看一個人的時候，小心別人也是這樣的觀點在看妳。


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The Wall Street Journal
COMMENTARY
Taiwan's 'Refuse-to-Lose' Crowd
By THERESE SHAHEEN
November 8, 2006

The roots of the current political turmoil in Taiwan lie not in the allegations of corruption against Chen Shui-bian, his family, and his friends. Rather, they lie in the huge changes that the Taiwanese president has sought to introduce during his six years in office.

It's important to remember that Mr. Chen is the first president to come from a party other than the Kuomintang (KMT), which ruled the island with an iron grip for a half-century. Given that, it's unsurprising that his radical reform agenda has faced consistent resistance from an established order unaccustomed to defeat. Known to some Taiwan-watchers as the "refuse-to-lose" crowd, this coalition of former KMT officials -- in conjunction with a splinter group called the People's First Party -- has stymied much of the president's agenda.

Take defense: While it took the President nearly until his second-term to address the island's defense capabilities, he did introduce a $18 billion defense supplemental budget in 2003 which was strongly supported by the Bush administration. But the package has stalled in the opposition-dominated legislature ever since.

Mr. Chen's attempts to reform Taiwan's outdated political structure have met similar hurdles. Dating back to Chiang Kai-shek's defection from the mainland after World War II, Taiwan's current political system consists of five -- often overlapping -- branches of government. But attempts to streamline this into a structure better-suited to the present day have run into predictable resistance from the KMT, whose supporters still dominate most branches of government.

In such a climate, it's unsurprising that allegations of misuse of official funds have been seized on with such glee by the refuse-to-lose crowd -- especially after last Friday's indictment on corruption charges of President Chen's wife, Wu Shu-chen. Certainly, charges waged against any public figure need to be investigated and due process followed. But it's also worth remembering that the disputed expenditure comes from funds for unofficial international activities deemed to be in Taiwan's national security interests.

With Beijing investing heavily in countries around the world with the specific objective of isolating Taiwan, the island must be creative with its diplomacy. Because of the discreet nature of these activities, the rules governing these funds are vague and ambiguous. In the light of the current controversy, the air of secrecy surrounding some of these funds could be removed by insisting upon budgetary transparency and developing guidelines governing their use.

President Chen has made missteps during his six years in office. Elected on a mandate to accelerate the move toward sovereignty and national identity that began under his predecessor, Lee Teng-hui, he may have mistaken popular public support for Taiwan to maintain its own identity with a desire for formal independence. His coyness on the issue has been a hallmark of his administration, and the opposition-dominated press has been effective at characterizing him as unnecessarily provocative toward Beijing. Even the Bush administration felt it necessary to caution him on this matter.

The fact is, most of Taiwan's citizens don't want to be ruled by Beijing, nor do they want to antagonize it. This creates a dilemma for Mr. Chen. While the Taiwanese enjoy their de facto independence, they are increasingly intimidated by China's growing economic and military might. The President's periodic flirtations with formal independence make people nervous on both sides of the Straits.

The turmoil in Taipei this week has little to do with the current government's effectiveness, or even its alleged corruption. Instead, the demonstrations and calls for Mr. Chen's resignation are significant for what they say about Taiwan's relatively young democracy.

In taking to the streets, some Taiwanese are abandoning respect for due process and the rule of law -- values that should lie at the heart of any democracy. The heat and the intensity of the anti-Chen movement leaves a sense of riveted frenzy, where the mob -- not process -- will rule. The highest democratic aim ought to be to protect the voice of each individual citizen, not to project the roar of the crowd, however righteous.

A strong, democratic Taiwan is not only best for the people of Taiwan, but for the region and for the world. In this crucial period of its growth, Taiwan's democracy deserves the support and encouragement of the international community. But ultimately, it is up to the people of Taiwan to decide whether they want their future to be determined through democratic processes -- or by mobs taking to the streets.

Ms. Shaheen, chairman of the American Institute of Taiwan from 2002-04, is an adjunct fellow at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington, D.C.

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http://www.wretch.cc/blog/trackback.php?blog_id=haomei&article_id=5325275
我想要貼的Ogisan的文：以下 原文複製
----------------------------------------------------
「一生廉潔」如果是對他最終的歸納或肯定的話，我覺得我們好像忽略了什麼。
廉潔，不是每個人，尤其是公務人員的基本素養嗎？
怎會是一個值得歌頌的部分？

其實，陳先生讓我難忘、值得我們尊敬或者佩服的地方應該是那種
千萬人吾往矣的「執著」。當年，在所有縣市都期待產業進駐以繁
榮地方的主流民意中，他敢把宜蘭的未來設定為拒絕污染的縣份，
甚至不惜與他當初的老闆王永慶對抗，逼退台塑的設廠計畫。

公共工程的建設上，他以那種「龜毛」的態度，建立了一個
規劃與品質皆美的典型。當時有人說他公務車裡老是帶著皮尺
和工具，只要不合乎品質要求的，當下要求建商拆掉重作。
甚至因而被稱為「酷吏」。

而今天，當我們一直在讚美冬山河的美景，甚至，在台灣各地都
看得見類似（或嚴厲地說，抄襲）冬山河的某些設計時，我們不
得不說，他還真不是普通的酷。
記得當年冬山河尚未完工，我帶著還沒上幼稚園的小孩逛進工程進
行中的工地，一個成大建築畢業的年輕監工過來聊天，熱心地跟我
小孩解釋水池中那些造型新奇的 洗石子尖椎，說循著高度不一的尖
椎看去，就是龜山島。說，那裡不會有任何遊樂設備，因為這樣，
人才會安靜地坐下來享受風景。說，許多設施都打掉重做過等 等。
我最記得的是，他最後說他大概會記住在這裡工作過程中的一切，
理由是：未來有同樣的工作經驗大概也不多吧？

這些點點滴滴讓我覺得，陳先生最重要的成就是在建立一種「態度」。
一種原本即應存在，但卻被忽略的態度--無論是面對工作或者面
對未來的態度。
我常覺得，台灣從政者最重要的成就不是蓋了多少房子、做了多少交
通建設（因為那是只要有經費就可以做到的事，沒什麼了不起），反
而是：你破除了什麼腐朽既有的觀念，建立了什麼新的目標。

陳定南這三個字大概永遠會和宜蘭連結在一起吧？
至少我是這樣覺得。
雖然我個人並不贊成他上次的再度參選。

陳先生安息。


Ogisan
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妳問我。這位 Ogisan是誰？
這樣回答你好了，他是一位說故事的歐吉桑。
Ogisan
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譯點X ？ 我不信多少人會買正版的啦。都是電腦公司幫妳裝盜版的。
來試試 google翻譯 (可翻譯整頁) 目前提供翻譯成簡體，但是，因為我用firefox，
所以用同文堂再轉成繁體就好。真方便。以下，實作給各位看看。
1.原頁面



2.翻譯頁面



3.翻譯成簡體(滑鼠移到翻譯好的字上，會出現原來的字讓妳比對)



4.利用同文堂轉為繁體(可設定自動轉換)




喔對了，用firefox的使用者。可以下載google search bar
雖然IE也可以，但firefox可以將search bar關閉仍保有翻譯文字的功能。 如下圖
這是我的游標指在 scandal時 他就會自動出現所有的翻譯


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〈CPBL〉TVBS未經查證報導　中職將採取法律行動 中華職棒 11-03 22:33

針對今晚(3日)TVBS新聞台有關La new熊球員陳峰民、徐余偉及許志華收受組頭現金放水的報導，中華職棒聯盟及La new也將針對報導中是否直接傷害球團聯盟形象，將與三位當事人對TVBS新聞採取法律行動，此報導已嚴重企圖影響社會秩序及偵辦方向，中華職棒及所屬球團強力譴責TVBS這種不負責任報導行為。

昨天TVBS不經查證，獨家播出黑道組頭挾持林光宏教練的影帶畫面，在偵辦尚未完成及未查證屬實的狀況下，隨意以放水事件加以報導，如同今日再以此事件方式報導，嚴重傷害中華職棒以及La new，此一事件也清楚表示，該新聞台淪為不肖份子利用之嫌。


聯盟及La new強烈懷疑這是一篇報復性的報導，由於昨天(2日)下午林光宏教練臨時召開記者會說明綁人事件的始末，造成該電視台無法以獨家播出新聞，因而做出許多不平衡之報導，聯盟及球團除再度譴責。


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