鐵骨傲風雪，幽香透國魂—雨夜花

Tomorrow the United Nations will consider Taiwan's application for membership. It has formally sought admission every year since 1993, but this year application is different. 明天聯合國將要討論台灣申請加入為會員國的提案。自從1993年以來，台灣每年都正式提出申請，尋求獲准加入聯合國，但今年的申請案不同於往年。

 感謝國際友人仗義執言，但「自從1993年以來，台灣每年都正式提出申請」的講法是錯誤的，
請參閱「台灣！被聯合國拒絕了嗎？」http://blog.roodo.com/taiwan2un/archives/4201989.html

First, the country is applying under its own name ("Taiwan") rather than its official appellation ( Republic of China") Second, it is applying to the U.N. General Assembly, the organization comprehensive body of member nations ?despite the rejection of its application this summer by U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and his legal office. Third, the application may be followed by a national referendum on whether Taiwan should apply for U.N. membership under its own name—a plan that has elicited a sharp rebuke by the Bush administration. 首先，台灣這一次是以自己的國名「台灣」，而非以「中華民國」（Republic of China）的稱呼提出申請入會。其次，這一次台灣的申請案是直接向聯合國大會提出，聯合國會員國大會亦即由全體會員國所組成的綜合性議事團體。縱使台灣在今夏申請入會時曾遭到聯合國秘書長潘基文及其法律部門之拒絕，但台灣仍然再度提出了這一次的申請案。第三，在提出了此一申請案之後，台灣將會舉行全國性公投，以決定是否應以自己的國名「台灣」來提出申請—此一公投案已經引發了布希政府尖刻之責難。

嚴格來講，台灣目前也還未正式以「台灣」為國號，更不是直接向聯合國大會提出申請，
請參閱「台灣！被聯合國拒絕了嗎？」http://blog.roodo.com/taiwan2un/archives/4201989.html

The U.N.'s lawyers argued that, having transferred China's seat from Taipei to Beijing in 1971, the U.N. should reject Taiwan's latest application because Taiwan "for all intents and purposes" is "an integral part of the People's Republic of China." Taiwan presents a more compelling legal case: It meets all of the requirements of statehood under law.
代表聯合國的律師們所提出的反對論點是，聯合國既然在1971年時就把台北的席次轉讓給北京，現在聯合國就應該拒絕台灣最新提出的申請案，因為台灣「從各方面來看」是「中國整體的一部分」但是，台灣申請入會所代表的是一個更難以抗拒的法律案件，因為台灣具備了法律定義中所稱為「國家」的一切條件。

代表聯合國的律師們可以提出論點，但不能作為聯合國正式拒絕台灣的理由，因為聯合國的律師們不具有這個權力，具有拒絕申請的單位是安全理事會以及大會，
盡管台灣具備了法律定義中所稱為「國家」的一切條件，但其憲法規定的領土還包括兩個聯合國會員國（中國和蒙古），這是台灣無法讓聯合國所接受的最大原因。
所以我們不需要聯合國律師們說什麼，我們要的是聯合國安全理事會以及大會拒絕台灣的正式文件中所記載的理由。

It is already a full and productive member of international organizations such as the World Trade Organization and Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. It has never been a province or part of the local government of the People's Republic of China. Taiwan's recent transformation into a modern democratic state supersedes any decades-old determination that gives the PRC a United Nations seat ?even as the U.N. failed to determine that Taiwan is part of the PRC or bestow upon it the right to represent Taiwan.
台灣已經是數個國際組織，如世界貿易組織和亞太經濟合作會議中，具有貢獻的正式會員國。台灣從來也不是中華人民共和國的一省或其地方政府之一部分。台灣近年轉化成為一個現代化民主體制之事實，應壓倒聯合國在數十年前將席次讓給北京的決定，即如聯合國決定台灣是中華人民共和國之一省，或授權「中國」可代表台灣之事並未發生一樣。

Taiwan's political case for U.N. membership is equally strong. It is the 48th most populous country in the world. Its economy is the world's 16th largest. Its gross national product totals $366 billion, or $16,098 per capita. With $267 billion in foreign exchange reserves it is one of the world's three largest creditor states. Taiwan is therefore poised to be a significant contributor to the U.N.'s operations and play a constructive role in the organization.
就政治意義而言，台灣申請入聯的理由也一樣堅強。台灣的人口之眾高居全球48位。其經濟規模為全世界第16位。台灣的國民生產毛額達3660億元，或個人平均收入1萬6098美元。台灣外匯存底高達2670億，是世界上最大債權國之一。因此台灣對於聯合國的運作能夠提供極大的貢獻，也可扮演具有建設性的功能。

Unfortunately, the United States and the other major powers discourage Taiwan in its quest for de jure international recognition of .its de facto sovereignty. This is because they do not want to raise the ire of the PRC, which, as a member of the U.N. Security Council, can block any significant U.N. action, and, as a global power, can interfere on a host of issues important to the U.S. and Europe.
不幸的是，美國及其他主要大國，在台灣尋求正當的國際承認其事實上之主權時，總是給予壓制。原因就是大家不想引起中國的憤怒，因為中國是安理會的一員，有權阻礙任何聯合國想要採取的重大行動，中國均有權加以阻撓。再者，以一個世界強權的身份，中國也可干預許許多多事關美國及歐洲的重大議題。

Thanks to exponentially increased trade with the U.S. and Europe, Beijing feels less compelled than ever to seek political accommodation with Taiwan, or to decrease its military threat against the island nation. Expanding economic relationships may be good in and of itself, but predictions that this would produce political cracks in China's authoritarian regime have proved wrong.
幸好中國與美國及歐洲之間的貿易正在急速擴張，使得中國已不像從前一樣急於尋求與台灣之間的政治和解，或對島國台灣施加軍事威脅。對外經濟關係的擴大也許本身對中國是一件好事，但是有關此事可導致其獨裁政權分裂之預測，則已證明並不正確。

Today, Beijing is using its new-found economic might to isolate Taiwan still further in international organizations and attempt to persuade the two dozen countries that recognize Taiwan diplomatically to switch their ties to China. Meanwhile, the people of the PRC enjoy fewer political rights and civil liberties than in all but a few of the world's countries. 今日，中國正運用其新獲得的經濟力量，來更進一步地孤立台灣於國際組織之中，並企圖說服台灣的二十多個邦交國放棄對台灣的外交承認，轉而與中國建交。然而，中國的人民目前所能享有的政治權益以及民權，卻少於絕大多數的國家。

A few short years ago, the U.S. seemed determined to change this. During his 2000 election campaign and the first months of his administration, President Bush and his team vowed to fashion a new foreign policy in which U.S. national interests, particularly in Asia, Were advanced less exclusively through the prism of Beijing. In other words, the U.S. wanted to be less beholden to the communist regime.
就在短短數年之前，美國似乎還有決心要改變一切狀況。布希總統及其執政團隊在2000年的競選期間，以及就職後的最初幾個月，還信誓旦旦地表示要形成新的外交政策，亦即，美國的利益，特別是在亞洲的，要盡量不受經由北京所折射出來的觀點所影響。易言之，美國要減低被共產政權擺佈的程度。

One of the casualties of 9/11, and the subsequent war in Iraq, was that this policy agenda became less of a priority. Our cooperation with Pakistan in the effort to topple the Taliban, find Osama bin Laden and eradicate terrorism in the region meant that we focused less on developing a higher-tier relationship with India. We also concentrated less on drawing out Japan, by encouraging it to play a more active political and military role on the global tage. Equally important, we were unable to increase our promotion of democracy in the region by fostering closer ties with countries such as Taiwan and South Korea and escalating pressure on Beijing to reform.
九一一恐怖攻擊，以及接踵而來的伊拉克戰爭，所造成的傷害之一，就是布希總統落實此一外交政策已非首要之務。美國為了顛覆阿富汗的神學士政權，找尋賓拉登，以及消滅當地恐怖主義，而選擇與巴基斯坦合作，其結果是不再努力於發展其與印度上層之間的關係。美國也不若過去那樣拉拔日本，鼓勵其更積極扮演在全球舞台上的政治及軍事角色。同樣重要的是，美國亦未貫徹加強與台灣和南韓等國關係途徑，來促進亞洲各國之民主發展，並以此升高對北京施壓，迫使其內部改革。

The current U.S. administration still has time to correct this omission. Having been an advocate for Taiwan during my time in the Senate, and today as part of a law firm that represents Taiwan interests in the U.S., I believe that President Bush should support Taiwan application for U.N. membership. This should be quickly followed by active or tacit support for Taiwan plans for a popular vote on this issue in March 2008. Our close Asian friend and ally needs and deserves this recognition and support, which would at the same time advance America's. regional and global interest in promoting democratization.
當前的美國政府仍有時間來修正此一被忽略的政策。我個人過去任職於聯邦參議院時，就一直為台灣的立場仗義執言，如今，身為代表台灣在美國利益的法律事務所之一員，我深信布希總統應該支持台灣成為聯合國的會員國。美國對於2008年三月台灣要為入聯而舉行的全民公投表決案，應該趕緊心照不宣地積極支持。台灣是美國密切的亞洲盟友，需要並值得美國給予其承認與支持，此舉亦可促進美國倡導民主化所獲得的區域性及全球性利益。

（作者杜爾目前為Alston & Bird法律事務所之特別顧問）