InnoNation Reloaded

延伸閱讀：

反日示威的反挫
劉奇峰
中國時報，2005.04.17
日漸自主的民意更對中共未來維持穩定統治形成挑戰。中共雖然向來自豪對群眾運動能收放自如，但科技發展卻也大大侵蝕中共黨組織控制示威群眾能力。手機簡訊開始成為動員的訊息傳遞管道，大批民眾藉由網際網路串聯，出現全國各大城市串聯的情況。甚至還有民眾把教人如何應付警察、焚燒日本國旗的「示威教戰守則」貼上網。

官方不斷訴諸民族主義，無限上綱的結果，連政府也很難定調定性加以反對，對中共來說何嘗不是「引火上身」？未來若其他諸如下崗工人、法輪功或其他反政府勢力扛著民族主義大旗上街，將給中南海帶來無窮無盡的麻煩；不能收放自如的群眾運動與雙邊高漲的國族情緒，亦將為台海兩岸的未來埋下變數。

多維詳訊：中國各地繼續舉行大規模反日遊行
香港保釣行動委員會主席柯華呼籲參加17日反日遊行的人士，不要針對日資機構或日本遊客。......司徒華指出，國內近期反日示威是八九年民運以來最大規模，對本港下午舉行的遊行也起著刺激作用。他也呼籲參加者保持和平理性態度，留意是否有別有用心者暗中破壞。他認為，在全球經濟一體化下，提出「抵制日貨」的口號是不適當、是不可能。

EDITORIAL : Business ties with China
Asahi Shimbun, 04/16/2005
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi meets frequently with the nation's business leaders, but he is said to be deaf to anyone who warns him of the negative effects of his Yasukuni visits, which have seriously strained Japan's relations with China.

Koizumi must heed and act on the advice of business leaders, and the latter must not relent in telling the prime minister what he should do.

It is not right to let diplomacy be guided solely by economic interests, but it is also a fact that there can be no diplomacy and statehood without them.

激進組織透過網路、簡訊策動政府無對口單位協商，沒將領示威者如脫韁野馬。
台灣日報，2005.04.17

北京人等「看戲」 枯曬一天太陽…
中時電子報，2005.04.17
反倒是東莞發生反日示威，遭殃的是一家日資工廠。根據香港一家電視台報導，有數千名工人早上在工廠罷工以示抗日，在勸告未果下，工廠方面曾一度制止罷工行動，但期間雙方發生衝突，公安應工廠要求開進廠內，與罷工工人談判後事件才告結束。

中日關係陷危機 盼以理性覓轉機
明報社評，2005.04.17
中日關係絕對有可能繼續惡化，若以韓日關係為對照，今天的中日關係還未走到谷底，距離全面決裂還有一段路程。然而，中日兩國領袖必須預早往壞處設想﹕如果任由局勢惡化，假如不幸發生人命傷亡，衝突關係可以在極短時間內達到沸點，屆時要和平解決爭端便相當困難了。中美軍機在南海上空碰撞，導致中國機師死亡﹔ 南斯拉夫的中國大使館遭美軍空襲，釀成3人死亡，中國內地也曾爆發轟轟烈烈的反美示威，但中美之間畢竟沒有深仇大恨，而且有巨大的共同利益，在兩國領袖斡旋下，最終化險為夷。可是，中日之間沒有這樣的關係，能否抵受國民傷亡所造成的政治衝擊，頗成疑問﹖如果抵受不了，是否要走向冷戰或者熱戰﹖

「中國的崛起」 中日交惡導火線
聯合報，2005.04.17
年初以來，中日兩國大小摩擦和齟齬不斷，從「舊恨」的「釣魚台問題」、「歷史教科書事件」、「日相參拜靖國神社」、「台灣問題」，到新仇「東海能源爭奪」、「日本申請成為聯合國安理會常任事國」。 日本的一連串強勢作法，顯然出於對中共的疑慮日增。例如，指責中共潛艇進入日本海域、停止對中共的日圓貸款等經濟援助、新防衛大綱把「中國」列入對日威脅，以及批評中共的東海春曉油田太接近兩國中間線等。 相對地，中共也調整對日本政策基調，從以往堅持「世代睦鄰友好」，到「針鋒相對、互不相讓」。例如，停止高層訪日，冷淡對待與日本政治關係；釣魚台領土糾紛的「擱置爭議」原則也由「宣示主權」代替；支持大陸民間對日索賠；有條件地放寬大陸民眾反日示威遊行等活動。在在顯示中共高層對日本態度的轉變。中日關係急凍，即使是日本事務通王毅出任駐日大使，也不能發揮作用。

中國的戰略準備--如何看待大陸反日浪潮
雲程
自由時報，2005.04.17
透過十年來的中國在國際政治舞台的實踐，我們警覺到中國在這一兩年不斷測試日本底線之前，已經鞏固了與四鄰的關係。像極了二次大戰德國先簽訂互不侵犯條約，在鞏固了東側強鄰的蘇聯後，放心進出西歐的劇本。於是，我們理解了中國此次反日「不尋常」，以致日本也有「不尋常」表現，原因皆出在長久以來國家戰略的對峙。中國對日本的施壓，當然包括台海在內，這也是無論台灣再怎樣釋出善意，都不可能稍解中國的戰略企圖的原因。

Don't overlook nationalist threat
Taipei Times, editorial, 2005.04.17
As a country with complex historical ties to both sides, Taiwan should observe and study the conflict's development. From this perspective, Taiwan has no need to get in the middle of this historical feud between Japan and China, or to try to mediate. Rather, the focus of Taiwan's concern should be whether the anti-Japan demonstrations suggest the rise of Chinese nationalism. While the target may be Japan this time around, in the future such feverish nationalism may have serious implications for Taiwan.

In terms of the rise of Chinese nationalism, it is no longer a "what if" question, but a growing reality. China's socialist experiment has failed. Communism has been replaced by a free market economy. Politically, nationalism has replaced internationalism. In fact, Chinese nationalism is beginning to surface in the domain of international politics in an aggressive manner.

反日反獨 中共經濟警訊前兆
中時電子報，2005.04.17
與國安會關係密切的遠景基金會今天發表「台灣安全戰略評估2004-2005」新書，書中警告指出，台灣政府與民間都該重新思考，一旦中國經濟面臨嚴重挑戰，北京當局將加強號召民族主義的力道，尤其訴諸對台灣獨立的威脅，以及對日本軍國主義再興的恐懼，藉以轉移中國人民對經濟問題的注意力。

Violence flares as the Chinese rage at Japan
With tens of thousands demonstrating on the streets in cities across China, Jonathan Watts in Shanghai examines the roots of an old enmity and a new conflict
The Observer, April 17, 2005
There is certainly a deep well of public hostility towards Japan that the government can tap whenever it wishes to score diplomatic points against its neighbour or distract attention from domestic problems. That much was evident at last weekend's demonstrations, which were approved and carefully controlled by the authorities. In a tactic that reflected the long-term priorities of the government, riot police steered the protesters away from Tiananmen Square - the main focus of domestic unrest - and towards the Japanese embassy, where they stood by idly as the demonstrators stoned the windows. For the government, incidents of urban students abusing foreigners are far less threatening and more controllable than those of peasants beating up police in impoverished villages, as was the case in Zhajiang province last week.
...... Many of the protesters agreed that their activism was no passing fad. 'I've sold my Japanese car and I'm going to replace my Sony laptop with an IBM,' said He Pei, an American-educated Shanghai woman in her thirties. 'I've even stopped using Japanese cosmetic products for three months, which was really hard because they are the best.'
Asked why the demonstrations were taking place now rather than in the past, she paused for a moment. 'Maybe this is happening because China is becoming more powerful.'

東亞新冷戰結構？有此一說
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