強尼頻道

[前言]
對於昨天(10/10)台北的「國慶」亂象，我一點都不想討論。這似乎是一團解不的結，誰也說服不了誰。依法嚴辦又如何？永遠會有一半的人不服氣。而且，最教人失望洩氣的，不是馬英九「到時候不知道是『誰驅離誰』」這種令人為之氣結的態度，而是陳水扁、蘇貞昌這些人的軟弱。老實說，他們個人的榮辱，我一點都不在乎。我在意的是他們背後所代表的台灣人的尊嚴。

針對近日北韓的核子試爆，有人以為是台灣的機會，每次朝鮮半島發生危機，就能突顯台灣戰略地位的重要性。我並不如此樂觀，我倒是憂心美國為拉攏中國對付北韓而犧牲台灣的利益，因此向紐約時報寄出一封標題為WHERE’S TAIWAN? I’LL SHOW YOU!讀者投書(Op-Ed)，中文譯文如下：
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吾友沈先生的妻子Hanna(下圖，右為我兒Samy)是位金髮的波蘭人，前幾天她寄來mail說道：

「去年我父母要來台灣以前，我母親打電話給我說他有一點擔心：因為旅行社安排從香港到台北的航班是China Airlines…起先我不了解，後來我終於搞懂了。在西方人的印象中，中國的飛機常常發生故障，難怪聽到China Airlines會覺得毛骨悚然。我很納悶台灣人為何不用真實代表你們台灣的LOGO或BRAND…至今，我們仍每天看到China Post(中國郵報)、CPC(中國石油)、ChinaTimes(中國時報)、China Trust(中國信託)…天哪！我以為我仍在上海。」

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9月21日，府城「紅衣人」靜坐第三天。

好幾個鎮暴警察圍攻一個手無寸鐵的百姓，打到他連呻吟的力氣都沒有？那些野蠻員警所踹的每一腳，好似狠狠踢在我們的身上。

有人滿頭鮮血，有人被警棍架住脖子，還有那位被多名警察粗暴拖行的女子，她驚恐的尖叫聲彷彿出自我內心的吶喊。

台南人，只是反對倒扁，只是不滿紅色革命，或只是出來圍觀，只是在人人皆可自由來去的運動公園駐足，但只要有「疑似」煽動的行為就受到如此不人道的暴行…。相較於凱達格蘭「樂聲悠揚」、「一片祥和」(三立新聞語)的台北人，同樣是高聲叫囂嗆聲，只是沒穿紅衣，待遇差這麼多？難道，台灣人的命如此卑賤？


這竟是2006年的台灣。法律要分顏色，正義在街頭睡著，而公理，蕩然無存。


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轉貼黃國倫音樂事件簿《天光這首歌的故事》

[前言]

我在一個月前的《請教施明德》寫道：「 Nori桑，還記得以前你1995年這首競選歌曲嗎？『咱的青春，是一條勇敢的歌，咱的名，惦惦寫在土地的心肝…』，現在已經完全沒有聽到了，也許，你已不屑再提起它，批扁、反扁、倒扁，早足夠讓你再找回政治第二春！」

其實，寫這段文字相當冒險，現在打著「綠旗」倒扁的人那麼多，文中提及的《天光》這首歌作曲兼演唱人黃國倫的態度如何？老實說，我一點都沒有把握。然而，看到黃老師這篇《天光這首歌的故事》，證明我的擔心確實是多餘的。

現在，《天光》這首歌已成為916挺台遊行的主題曲，相對於以下聯合報這則報導

「…拉下雨套的施明德綻出笑容，兩眼瞇成一條線，踮起腳跟充滿力道地一次又一次比出倒扁手勢，從容自信的神情，似乎有某一種信念一直支撐著他；緊挨在車輛旁是數以千計被大雨澆淋得看不清的臉譜，一路相隨、簇擁著，此時，天際似乎也隱約露出短暫的光彩，就像施明德極喜歡的一首歌『天光』中的歌詞『天漸漸光，雲慢慢的散，悲情的土地，人在做，天在看』，群眾的熱情重新燃起了運動的能量，召喚更多的人前進廣場。儘管兩鬢飛白、體力已衰，戰士雖老，但戰士不死。」(「凱道日記：臉上雨水含淚水」聯合報記者/蔡惠萍，2006/09/11)

我們更能體會黃老師的感慨：「哪一個眼神是真正的施主席？」而，歷史的嘲諷，再次展露無遺！
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「在臉相方面，建民與姚明也相似，那就是都有標準儒雅中國人的臉，給人好的印象。這不是像日本投手野茂英雄或石井一久有那種傲慢的臉相，或是韓國投手金炳賢那種像少年流氓的臉。就是與「Tsao（曹錦輝）」相比，姚明與王建民也都沒有曹錦輝那種勇武的形相。」(以上摘自「沉靜的巨人 建民與姚明」，聯合電子報球評許昭彥，2005/05/12 )

台灣人，看了以上這則報導，你覺得光榮，還是受辱？

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[前言]
本文作者Leone是我的高中同學，1981年至今，剛好1/4世紀。這25年間，我們從沒有金錢瓜葛，沒有業務往來，也沒有利害關係，或許談不上至交好友，但以老友互稱，絕對夠格。

只是，直到今年，在抗媒看到他的文章，我才知道，「這咧挖省仔原本係青ㄟ！」

他的自述極為貼切。事實上，我就是證人；我第一次接觸《八O年代》、《前進週刊》就是讀高一時在他家的客廳茶几下翻到的。隔幾年後，有次問他：「你選舉投民進黨？」

「我老爸要知道我投民進黨，不把我殺了才怪！？」他模糊地回答，讓我甚為迷惘：到底那些黨外雜誌算什麼？

Leone和他美麗的老婆甫在異國進修，希望他倆不要過於沈醉於異鄉的美景，還是早日學成歸國，貢獻台灣這個偉大的國家吧！

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昨夜(2006/8/24)，當我看到一個文弱的老書生在直播的電視公共論壇遭到昔日的街頭小霸王痛毆，我不禁再次要問，這是什麼國家！？

一個自稱「台灣人的電視台」卻允許一個假台灣人在眾目睽睽公然施暴，然後只是發表遺憾聲明了事？看到金恆偉先生受到如此欺凌，我覺得無比悲哀，更替民視感到可恥！而一段兩年多前的記憶彷彿歷歷在目。

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先來看看一段影片段正淳納命來!

這原本是武俠世界的虛構傳奇，竟然活生生在現代網路上演。

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王建民發表拒絕台灣媒體的公開信之後，台北的媒體總該自我克制了吧？

錯！前有率先出手報導王建民身世的TVBS執行副總監潘祖蔭狡辯說：「TVBS非唯一追身世的媒體」，後有中國時報編輯王榮霖反撲，高喊阿民的抗議「有這麼嚴重嗎？真有如此必要嗎？」

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I don't wish to see Chen Shui-bian resign as president emotionally, but, rationally, I do, once there's evidence supporting that President Chen or the First lady is involved in the scandal.

Linda's comment on Shih really gets to the point. A democratic prophet thirty years ago turns out to be now a specter of revolution? It's something more than anachronistic for him; it is also historically sarcastic. We already know what this guy is since he began seeking "stage" in the pan blue camp. And I don't believe what he is doing simply comes out of concern for the DPP or for the country but any underlying interests - at least he appears on the headline news again.

8月14日，就在翻譯艾琳達的評論之後，我在最先刊載評論原文的The View From Taiwan寫下以上這則留言。

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譯註：「艾琳達評施明德倒扁行動」英文原刊載於The View From Taiwan。為免有違艾琳達原意，另附英文對照。

【艾琳達評施明德倒扁行動】 2006年8月11日

At one time, Shih Ming-deh, personal name Nori, could claim credit for standing up against the dictatorship of the Kuomintang in the struggle to bring democracy to Taiwan. At the Kaohsiung Incident trials in March 1980 he made a brilliant argument that Taiwan had already been independent for thirty years. Chen Shui-bian entered his political life as a lawyer for the defendants then. I was proud to defend Nori's sacrifice in international human rights proclamations.

在台灣邁向民主的艱辛歷程中，施明德曾經一度站起來對抗國民黨獨裁政權而享有崇高的聲譽。1980年3月，高雄事件審判時，他慷慨激昂地宣稱台灣已經獨立30年了。陳水扁當年由於爲高雄事件的被告辯護，因而踏入政治圈。而我則有幸能參與施明德對世界人權宣言的奉獻。

In 1992 Shih Ming-deh lost the election for chairman of the Democratic Progressive Party to Hsu Hsin-liang because Hsu bought a few dozen critical delegate votes, Nori told me; but he did not want to tear the party apart to fight it. My own interviews inside the party supported this. Elected in 1994, and then allied with New Tide (Hsin Chao-liu), Nori made some effort to reform the DPP internally, without success. In my view, after that Shih Ming-deh began to lose the idealism and clarity of purpose that had marked his earlier words and actions. His "coffee meeting" to make a deal with New Party in late 1995 was widely criticized as failing the cause of Taiwan independence, and in his defensive reaction he began to hobnob with former enemies, defenders of martial law such as James Soong (Soong Chu-yu), who as head of the Government Information Office in 1980 had vilified Shih.

1992年，在民進黨主席選舉敗給許信良後，施明德告訴我這是因為許收買了幾十張關鍵的黨代表之故，但他不願分裂這個黨。我在黨內私下的訪談亦證實其所言不虛。爾後，他在1994年選上黨主席，並與新潮流結盟進行部分的黨內改革，只是功虧一潰。我認為，自此之後施明德逐漸喪失理想性以及模糊了過去備受推崇的執著目標。他在1995年底與新黨「喝咖啡」和解，更廣受批評為拋棄了台灣獨立的初衷。然而他的反應却是與1980年曾任新聞局長、主張戒嚴法、並極力詆毀他的昔日敵人宋楚瑜往來更加密切。

Despite his earlier steeliness as a political prisoner for 25 years, or because of it, Shih Ming-deh's life habits did not do him well for the daily grind of administration as a legislator and party chairman, to my observation. A loner and a night-owl, he could not make office hours, or communicate systematically with his staff. Their dedication was mostly wasted. He was endlessly flattered by reporters and hangers-on, and addicted to women, drink, and cigarettes. I think it was this ineffectuality that left him to seek the limelight with statements that were striking but not team-coordinated. Lawyers such as Chen Shui-bian were used to written documents, hard work, early hours, and teamwork, and the lawyers soon upstaged him.

雖然他早年堅忍不屈地坐過25年政治獄，或者正因為如此，他的生活習慣根本與立法委員或黨主席必須日理萬機的生活型態格格不入。他獨行俠和喜歡夜生活的作風甚至無法讓他好好處理正事或與助理有條不紊地溝通。那些助理的貢獻幾乎徒勞無功，他則兀自享受記者與仰慕者無止境的訶諛奉承，而且沉溺於女人、飲酒和香菸。我想，就是這樣的無能，導致他不得不藉由發表一些具震撼性但非黨內共識的言論來成為新聞焦點。另一方面，那時像陳水扁這些律師立委早已熟悉處理書面文件，而且全心投入、早睡早起、注重團隊合作，這些都讓施明德相形見絀。

Shih's 1998 campaign as well as his 2001 unsuccessful bid for a legislative seat in Taipei was designed by Rising Peoples' (Hsing Hsin Min-zu) Foundation, Hsu Hsin-liang's organization, whose founding had been largely attended by liberal KMT figures. Shih did not support Chen Shui-bian's drive for the presidency in 2000. Among others, he gave a talk at Shih Hsin University sponsored by a New Party figure, and after presenting his philosophy of how he survived as a prisoner, he ended with pot shots at Chen. According to Lin Chung-mo, Lin got tired of Shih's grandstanding and thinking he could manipulate other DPP legislators, and Lin drove him out of the party caucus in 2000.

施明德於1998年以及2001年兩度重新問鼎國會的競選活動都是由許信良的新興民族基金會於背後運作，而許信良的大部分資金却是來自國民黨某些自由派人士的資助。施明德那時並不贊成陳水扁競選2000年總統。某次，他接受一位新黨人士的安排赴世新大學演講，就在說明他如何熬過監牢的折磨之後，便大肆抨擊陳水扁。根據林重謨的說法，他實在看不慣施明德嘩眾取寵的作風，而且顧慮到施可能影響其他民進黨立委，因此便在2000年將施趕出黨團會議。

This is a brief glimpse of how I think Shih Ming-deh has come to play the role he has taken up now; people are continually asking me this. There has been a clear pattern of the KMT using former DPP figures to attack the DPP; and the KMT, formerly the richest political party in the world, has the resources to make this ploy attractive.

人們總是關注我對施明德這次所扮演角色的意見，以下概略說明了我對此事的看法。國民黨利用前民進黨主席修理民進黨，這早已司空見慣，而且國民黨─這個曾經是全世界最有錢的政黨─總有足夠的資源為這個活動擴大造勢。

By now many years have passed, and although Shih Ming-deh sometime in the last year announced he was withdrawing from politics, he has now announced a campaign to unseat Chen Shui-bian, including the threat of extra-legal actions. Are we really to believe that Nori is doing this out of concern for the DPP and the highest of ideals? For the last six years at least his activities and announcements have seemed mysteriously coordinated with the interests of the Blue Forces, and even the Peoples First Party. PFP members, I was told, urged him to run for mayor of Kaohsiung, and provided the funding.

雖然經過那麼多年，即使施明德去年曾經宣稱他正準備退出政壇，但是他現在卻鼓吹阿扁下台的運動，更揚言採取法律之外的行動。我們真得可以相信施明德如此做完全出自對民進黨的關心，以及崇高的理想？過去6年來，至少他的一言一行或多或少都與藍營的利益一致，甚至曾有人告訴我，就是親民黨慫恿並提供資金給他參選高雄市長。

If he is so concerned about corruption, why hasn't he spoken out in the past on Soong's Chung Hsin case, or the issue of KMT party property? Or the Lafayette case?

如果施如此嫌惡貪污，那麼他過去為何從不對宋處瑜的興票案、國民黨的黨產問題或拉法葉說過半句話？

If Shih Ming-deh is to set himself up as the center of a crusade against corruption, then I think it is fair to ask him to make public his own finances for the last several years, and to face whether he has any interests together with the Kuomintang, which has been trying to bring down the DPP government from the very start, for a variety of pretexts, the first being Nuclear Power Plant No. 4.

如果施明德要將他自己設定為反貪運動的核心，那麼，我們可以合理要求他公開近幾年的財務狀況，以及嚴肅地看待他是否和國民黨有任何利益關係，而國民黨其實早在民進黨執政之初，即處心積慮找遍各種理由要推倒民進黨，第一個便是核四案。

Corruption has been long ingrained in Taiwan society, down to the lowest levels, and the change of ruling parties has only begun to alter the rules. We cannot defend the DPP in general or the President in particular in so far as they have taken the easier route of continuing past habits, trying to buy off the obstacles, and perhaps even lining their own pockets with unearned rewards. But is campaigning for Chen Shui-bian to step down now, without use of the present mechanisms of impeachment or recall, any advance towards democracy and the rule of law? Does it test or improve the present legal system? Or would it be a step back to the KMT's former easy appropriation of state resources and assets, when Ma Ying-jeou becomes president?

長久以來，貪污在台灣從上到下已根深蒂固，自從政黨輪替後，終於改變這個現象。我們並不能因為大部分民進黨人士，特別是總統，由於因循舊制、便宜行事，企圖收買「阻礙」人士甚至以不當利益填飽私人荷包而為之辯白，然而現在的反扁運動不思訴諸現有彈劾或罷免體制，就能提升民主或法治？這是要測試抑或改善目前的法律制度嗎？或者只是準備讓馬英九當選總統後，退回國民黨從前濫用國家資源及財產的時代？(譯註：因為不訴諸法律面，則下屆執政者可輕鬆規避法律程序？)

So why does Shih Ming-deh again want to foray into political action? It seems anachronistic for him to raise a specter of revolution, when now finally the citizens can exercise their vote. Does he have a long-term vision of what he wants? Does he still stand for Taiwan's emergence as an internationally-recognized nation? Or has he abandoned the ideal that he sacrificed 25 years of his life for, too?

那為何施明德突然要再次發動政治行動呢？對他而言，似乎是時代的錯誤，以致於在人人都有投票權的今天，他却依然蠱惑人民革命。他到底是否思考他長遠追求的目標？他還主張台灣是國際公認的國家嗎？或者他早已背叛了他一生奉獻25年牢獄歲月的理想？