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<title>國立政治大學國際事務學院「外交政策研究中心」網誌-FP 專論</title>
<link>http://blog.roodo.com/cfps/archives/cat_548229.html</link>
<description>Center for Foreign Policy Studies (CFPS), College of International Affairs, National Chengchi University, Taipei City. Taiwan, Rep. of China</description>
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	<title>新政府「活路外交」政策之回顧與檢討</title>
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			新政府「活路外交」政策之回顧與檢討蔡東杰&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 中興大學國際政治研究所教授&nbsp;壹、相關概念之發展背景&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; （一）活路外交路線的提出：根據馬英九總統候選人在2007年推出的政策白皮書內容，他強調將以四項原則走出外交的活路，亦即：維護主權（努力提升與無邦交國關係，設法建立正式外交關係，並於國際場合中保護主權標幟）、經濟實力（利用全球化時代中外交與經濟密不可分的特徵，善用台灣經濟實力來拓展外交）、彈性務實（尤其在名稱保持彈性的原則下參加國際組織）、平等尊嚴（無論以何名稱參與國際活動，都要遵循平等互惠及堅持尊嚴之原則），由此亦開啟所謂「活路外交」的相關概念。
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			<font size="6">新政府「活路外交」政策之回顧與檢討<br /><br /></font><font size="4">蔡東杰&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 中興大學國際政治研究所教授</font>&nbsp;<br /><font face="Times New Roman"><br /></font><font face="Times New Roman"><span style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 150%; font-family: 標楷體">壹、相關概念之發展背景<br /></span><p style="text-justify: inter-ideograph; margin: 0pt; line-height: 150%; text-align: justify" class="MsoNormal"><br />&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span style="font-family: 新細明體">（一）</span><span style="font-family: 標楷體">活路外交路線的提出</span><span style="font-family: 新細明體">：根據馬英九總統候選人在</span>2007<span style="font-family: 新細明體">年推出的政策白皮書內容，他強調將以四項原則走出外交的活路，亦即：維護主權（努力提升與無邦交國關係，設法建立正式外交關係，並於國際場合中保護主權標幟）、經濟實力（利用全球化時代中外交與經濟密不可分的特徵，善用台灣經濟實力來拓展外交）、彈性務實（尤其在名稱保持彈性的原則下參加國際組織）、平等尊嚴（無論以何名稱參與國際活動，都要遵循平等互惠及堅持尊嚴之原則），由此亦開啟所謂「活路外交」的相關概念。</span></p></font>
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	<category>FP 專論</category>
	<pubDate>Tue, 05 May 2009 14:51:20 +0800</pubDate>
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	<title>活路外交下的政策方針與藍圖</title>
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			活路外交下的政策方針與藍圖&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 宋興洲&nbsp; 東海大學政治系教授&nbsp;一、前言&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 台灣國際處境困難，尤其近年來中國大陸經濟發展快速，在全球和區域政治的影響力愈來愈大，也使台灣外交空間受到壓縮。在兩岸長期對峙的情況下，倘若台灣仍然選擇以改變政治現狀作為外交的主戰場，不僅缺乏相應的綜合實力及國際支持，也會造成兩岸不必要之緊張與衝撞。
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			<font size="6">活路外交下的政策方針與藍圖<br /></font>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<br />&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <div align="left">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <font size="4">宋興洲&nbsp; 東海大學政治系教授<br /></font></div><span style="font-size: 18pt"><br /><strong><font face="Times New Roman"><br />&nbsp;</font></strong></span><font face="Times New Roman"><strong>一、前言<br /></strong><font size="3">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <br />&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 台灣國際處境困難，尤其近年來中國大陸經濟發展快速，在全球和區域政治的影響力愈來愈大，也使台灣外交空間受到壓縮。在兩岸長期對峙的情況下，倘若台灣仍然選擇以改變政治現狀作為外交的主戰場，不僅缺乏相應的綜合實力及國際支持，也會造成兩岸不必要之緊張與衝撞。</font></font>
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	<category>FP 專論</category>
	<pubDate>Tue, 05 May 2009 14:07:43 +0800</pubDate>
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	<title>Needed: A New Taiwanese Approach to Public Diplomacy</title>
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			FP Note No.5 (Jan 9, 2009)Needed: A New Taiwanese Approach to Public Diplomacy&nbsp;William C. Vocke, Jr.&nbsp;Senior Fellow and Senior Program DirectorCarnegie Council for Ethics in International AffairsA Limits Approach to the &ldquo;New Public Diplomacy&rdquo;&nbsp;Three transformative factors caused public diplomacy to morph in the last two decades: communications technology, the global growth of civil society, and the proliferation of democratic governments and free markets.&nbsp; These accentuated several trends in public diplomacy which accelerated over the last 200 years.
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			<div class="pict" align="left"><font size="5"><em>FP Note </em></font><em>No.5 (</em>Jan 9, 2009)<br /><strong><span style="font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'"><strong><span><font face="Times New Roman"><font size="4">Needed: A New Taiwanese Approach to Public Diplomacy</font></font></span></strong></span></strong><strong><span style="font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'"><font size="5">&nbsp;<br /><br /></font><img src="http://blog.roodo.com/cfps/185dea42.jpg" border="0" alt="William_Vocke2.jpg" hspace="5" width="100" height="120" align="left" /><br /></span></strong><strong><span style="font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'"><br /><strong><span><font face="Times New Roman"><br /><br /><br /><br /><br />William C. Vocke, Jr.<br /></font></span></strong><strong><span><font face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></span></strong><strong><span style="font-size: 11pt"><font face="Times New Roman">Senior Fellow and Senior Program Director</font></span></strong><strong><span style="font-size: 11pt"><font face="Times New Roman">Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs</font></span></strong></span></strong><span style="font-size: 11pt; font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'"><strong><br /></strong></span><span style="font-size: 11pt; font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'"><span style="font-size: 11pt; font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'"><strong><br /><strong><span style="font-size: 11pt"><font face="Times New Roman">A Limits Approach to the &ldquo;New Public Diplomacy&rdquo;</font></span></strong></strong></span><span style="font-size: 11pt; font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'"><strong>&nbsp;<br /></strong></span><span style="font-size: 11pt; font-family: 'Arial','sans-serif'"><span style="font-size: 11pt"><font face="Times New Roman">Three transformative factors caused public diplomacy to morph in the last two decades: communications technology, the global growth of civil society, and the proliferation of democratic governments and free markets.<span>&nbsp; </span>These accentuated several trends in public diplomacy which accelerated over the last 200 years.</font></span></span></span></div>
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	<category>FP 專論</category>
	<pubDate>Sat, 10 Jan 2009 13:40:52 +0800</pubDate>
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	<title>America’s Problems in the Global War on Terror</title>
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			FP Note No.&nbsp;4 (Oct 13, 2008)America&rsquo;s Problems in the Global War on TerrorGeorge H. QuesterUniversity of Maryland&nbsp; The September 11, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center and on the Pentagon shocked the Bush administration, and Americans in general. Before these attacks, &nbsp;terrorism had been seen as a relatively minor problem, sometimes but not always driven by an Islamic fundamentalism that seemed opposed to all modernity and religious tolerance. The danger seemed limited to the taking hostage of a single airliner and its passengers, which could be acceptably minimized by a basic set of security controls at airports. But now the risk loomed that there would be no limit to the magnitude of the destruction that Islamic terrorists in particular would seek to inflict.The Bush administration had declared in its election campaign that it intended&nbsp; to be less interested in serving as a policeman for the world, but it might now have to be much more interventionist, if only to prevent the killing of thousands of Americans in future attacks on the pattern of 9/11.
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			<div class="Section1" align="left"><span><font face="Times New Roman"><br /><font size="5"><em><strong>FP Note</strong> </em></font><font size="3">No.&nbsp;4 (Oct 13, 2008)<br /></font><br /><strong>America&rsquo;s Problems in the Global War on Terror<br /><br /></strong></font></span><span><font face="Times New Roman"><div class="pict"><img class="pict" src="http://blog.roodo.com/cfps/15a6cb32.jpg" border="0" alt="Quester" hspace="5" align="left" /></div><p style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-indent: 72pt" class="MsoNormal"><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br />George H. Quester<br /><span><font face="Times New Roman">University of Maryland</font></span></p></font></span><span><font face="Times New Roman">&nbsp;</font></span> <p style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-indent: 36pt; line-height: 200%" class="MsoNormal"><span><font face="Times New Roman">The September 11, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center and on the Pentagon shocked the Bush administration, and Americans in general. Before these attacks, <span>&nbsp;</span>terrorism had been seen as a relatively minor problem, sometimes but not always driven by an Islamic fundamentalism that seemed opposed to all modernity and religious tolerance. The danger seemed limited to the taking hostage of a single airliner and its passengers, which could be acceptably minimized by a basic set of security controls at airports. But now the risk loomed that there would be no limit to the magnitude of the destruction that Islamic terrorists in particular would seek to inflict.</font></span></p><p style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-indent: 36pt; line-height: 200%" class="MsoNormal"><span><font face="Times New Roman">The Bush administration had declared in its election campaign that it intended<span>&nbsp; </span>to be less interested in serving as a policeman for the world, but it might now have to be much more interventionist, if only to prevent the killing of thousands of Americans in future attacks on the pattern of 9/11.</font></span></p></div>
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	<category>FP 專論</category>
	<pubDate>Wed, 29 Oct 2008 16:36:01 +0800</pubDate>
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	<title>重探不情願的巨龍：胡錦濤政權下的中國經濟外交策略 -- by 中國事務專家 Lawrence Reardon (雷敦克)</title>
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			FP Note&nbsp;No. 3 (August 24,&nbsp;2008)重探不情願的巨龍：胡錦濤政權下的中國經濟外交策略 Lawrence C. ReardonUniversity of New Hampshire在日前令人印象深刻的2008年北京奧運開幕式後，金融時報(Financial Times)於8月11日預測中國將取代美國成為世界上最大的工業產品製造者。當中國慶祝實行「對外開放」政策三十周年以及建國六十周年之時，吾人更應當理解中國何以成為世界上最重要的發展中經濟體。&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 其中一項中國崛起的關鍵因素乃是中國的轉型，自原先自力更生式、內在目標的革命式發展典範(revolutionary development paradigm)轉移至發展市場經濟與出口導向的技術專家發展典範(technocratic development paradigm)。本篇論文主要的目標便是探索此種轉變的成因，尤其包括了革命的菁英份子是如何理解先前革命典範的侷限性，以及新一代的中國領導階層是如何追求新式的技術發展典範。&nbsp;
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			<strong><font color="#000000"><font size="4"><font color="#000000"><em><font size="5">FP Note</font></em>&nbsp;No. 3</font><font size="3" color="#000000"> (August 24,&nbsp;2008)<br /></font><br />重探<u>不情願的巨龍：胡錦濤政權下的中國經濟外交策略</u></font></font></strong> <div class="pict"><strong><br /><div class="pict"><a href="http://blog.roodo.com/cfps/2ddd63cd.jpg" target="_blank"><img style="width: 92px; height: 144px" class="pict" src="http://blog.roodo.com/cfps/2ddd63cd_s.jpg" border="0" alt="Reardon.jpg" hspace="5" width="110" height="169" align="left" /></a></div><br /></strong><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><font color="#000000"><strong>Lawrence C. Reardon</strong><br />University of New Hampshire<br /><br /><br />在日前令人印象深刻的2008年北京奧運開幕式後，金融時報(Financial Times)於8月11日預測中國將取代美國成為世界上最大的工業產品製造者。當中國慶祝實行「對外開放」政策三十周年以及建國六十周年之時，吾人更應當理解中國何以成為世界上最重要的發展中經濟體。&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <br /></font><span style="font-size: 11.5pt; font-family: 新細明體"><br /><font color="#000000">其中一項中國崛起的關鍵因素乃是中國的轉型，自原先自力更生式、內在目標的革命式發展典範</font></span><font color="#000000">(revolutionary development paradigm)轉移至發展市場經濟與出口導向的技術專家發展典範(technocratic development paradigm)。本篇論文主要的目標便是探索此種轉變的成因，尤其包括了革命的菁英份子是如何理解先前革命典範的侷限性，以及新一代的中國領導階層是如何追求新式的技術發展典範。&nbsp;</font><a href="http://blog.roodo.com/cfps/2ddd63cd.jpg" target="_blank"></a></div>
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	<category>FP 專論</category>
	<pubDate>Sun, 24 Aug 2008 22:17:55 +0800</pubDate>
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	<title>The South China Sea: The Phoenix Rises from Its Ashes? --by  海洋政策專家Mark J. Valencia</title>
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			FP Note No.&nbsp;2 (July 31, 2008)THE SOUTH CHINA SEA:THE PHOENIX RISES FROM&nbsp; ITS ASHES?&nbsp;（南海：浴火重生的鳳凰？）Mark J. ValenciaMaritime Policy AnalystKaneohe, HawaiiAs the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) convenes in Singapore, it would do well to revisit the South China Sea issues. Like an evil phoenix rising from its ashes, China's behavior in the South China Sea has become more confrontational than co-operative and deserves renewed ASEAN attention.&nbsp;When China signed on to the 2002 ASEAN Declaration on Conduct in the South China Sea, ASEAN policy makers breathed a sigh of relief at what they viewed as a major achievement. After all, the non-binding Declaration called on all parties to&nbsp;&quot; exercise self-restraint in the conduct of activities that would complicate or escalate disputes&quot;.&nbsp;&nbsp;And when China and the Philippines entered into a joint marine seismic undertaking (JMSU) in a disputed area of the South China Sea&mdash;and allowed Vietnam to join as well &ndash;some policy makers and analysts were ecstatic. Their fondest dreams had been realized. China had been &quot;tamed&quot;. It would be a benign co-operative neighbor and observe international norms of law and behavior. ASEAN attention soon turned to other more pressing matters&mdash;like terrorism, Myanmar, the ASEAN Charter and revitalizing the ARF.
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			<em><font size="5"><div align="left"><font color="#000000"><em><font size="5"><strong>FP Note</strong></font> </em><font size="3">No.&nbsp;2 (July 31, 2008)</font></font></div></font></em><span><br /><u><font size="3" color="#000000">THE SOUTH CHINA SEA:<br />THE PHOENIX RISES FROM&nbsp; ITS ASHES?</font></u></span><font color="#000000">&nbsp;<br />（南海：浴火重生的鳳凰？）<br /><br /></font><span><font size="3"><div class="pict"><a href="http://blog.roodo.com/cfps/8e1ba148.jpg" target="_blank"><img style="width: 125px; height: 137px" class="pict" src="http://blog.roodo.com/cfps/8e1ba148_s.jpg" border="0" alt="Valencia1.jpg" hspace="5" width="115" height="95" align="left" /></a></div><font color="#000000"><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br />Mark J. Valencia<br /></font></font></span><span><font size="+0"><font size="2" color="#000000">Maritime Policy Analyst<br /></font></font></span><span><font size="2" color="#000000">Kaneohe</font></span><span style="font-family: Arial"><font size="2" color="#000000">, Hawaii<br /></font></span><span style="font-size: 14pt; font-family: Arial"><br /><br /><span style="color: black; font-family: Arial"><font size="3">As the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) convenes in Singapore, it would do well to revisit the South China Sea issues. Like an evil phoenix rising from its ashes, China's behavior in the South China Sea has become more confrontational than co-operative and deserves renewed ASEAN attention.&nbsp;<br /></font></span><span style="font-family: Arial"><br /><span style="color: black"><font size="3">When China signed on to the 2002 ASEAN Declaration on Conduct in the South China Sea, ASEAN policy makers breathed a sigh of relief at what they viewed as a major achievement. After all, the non-binding Declaration called on all parties to&nbsp;&quot; exercise self-restraint in the conduct of activities that would complicate or escalate disputes&quot;.&nbsp;&nbsp;And when China and the Philippines entered into a joint marine seismic undertaking (JMSU) in a disputed area of the South China Sea&mdash;and allowed Vietnam to join as well &ndash;some policy makers and analysts were ecstatic. Their fondest dreams had been realized. China had been &quot;tamed&quot;. It would be a benign co-operative neighbor and observe international norms of law and behavior. ASEAN attention soon turned to other more pressing matters&mdash;like terrorism, Myanmar, the ASEAN Charter and revitalizing the ARF.</font></span></span></span>
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	<category>FP 專論</category>
	<pubDate>Thu, 31 Jul 2008 17:54:48 +0800</pubDate>
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	<title>The Disorder of the Prevailing International Order -- by 外交決策分析大師James Rosenau</title>
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			FP Note&nbsp;&nbsp; No. 1 (June 18, 2008) THE DISORDER OF THE PREVAILING INTERNATIONAL ORDER (當前國際秩序的失序) James N. Rosenau （羅森諾/羅西瑙） University Professor Elliott School of International Affairs The George Washington University The collapse of the Cold War and the Soviet Union led to an explosion of literature as analysts grasped to comprehend the newly emerging global structures. Most of this literature predicted the consolidation of authority in the world; a spate of books focused on &ldquo;empire&rdquo; as the basic mode of consolidation, while a few analysts reached for the even broader entity, &ldquo;civilization&rdquo;. That such a consolidation might not emerge, that authority might proliferate and disaggregate instead, was---and is---not widely considered plausible. ... 
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			<em><strong><font size="5">FP Note</font>&nbsp;&nbsp; </strong></em>No. 1 (June 18, 2008) <br /><u><br />THE DISORDER OF THE PREVAILING INTERNATIONAL ORDER <br /></u>(當前國際秩序的失序) <table border="0" align="center"><tbody><tr><td><div class="pict"><a href="http://blog.roodo.com/cfps/ed273d5c.jpg" target="_blank"><img class="pict" src="http://blog.roodo.com/cfps/ed273d5c_s.jpg" border="0" alt="rosenau.jpg" hspace="5" width="126" height="125" align="left" /></a></div><br /></td></tr></tbody></table><strong>James N. Rosenau</strong> （羅森諾/羅西瑙） <br />University Professor <br />Elliott School of International Affairs <br />The George Washington University <br /><br /><br />The collapse of the Cold War and the Soviet Union led to an explosion of literature as analysts grasped to comprehend the newly emerging global structures. Most of this literature predicted the consolidation of authority in the world; a spate of books focused on &ldquo;empire&rdquo; as the basic mode of consolidation, while a few analysts reached for the even broader entity, &ldquo;civilization&rdquo;. That such a consolidation might not emerge, that authority might proliferate and disaggregate instead, was---and is---not widely considered plausible. ... 
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	<pubDate>Tue, 01 Jul 2008 23:13:56 +0800</pubDate>
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