March 17,2007
美國不平等的原因
我發現我之前在部落格寫的關於美國不平等的筆記都有點混亂。
(之前的討論見此一、二、三、四)
最近花了些時間在經濟學家期刊中打轉,這裡先對造成美國不平等的原因作簡單整理。
主要幾個原因包括貿易、偏向技術的科技變革、移民,以及所謂制度面的解釋:這最常被舉出的就是工會組織率降低和最低工資的停滯---而這恰好是最近美國通過的兩大法案改革。
(之前的討論見此一、二、三、四)
最近花了些時間在經濟學家期刊中打轉,這裡先對造成美國不平等的原因作簡單整理。
主要幾個原因包括貿易、偏向技術的科技變革、移民,以及所謂制度面的解釋:這最常被舉出的就是工會組織率降低和最低工資的停滯---而這恰好是最近美國通過的兩大法案改革。
貿易的效果現在越來越多經濟學家質疑,如國際貿易大師J. Baghwati說:The culprit is not globalisation but labour-saving technical change that puts pressure on the wages of the unskilled. Technical change prompts continual economies in the use of unskilled labour.
這個科技變遷因素大概是不少經濟學家都同意的結果。(例如這篇新文章:
David H. Autor, Lawrence F. Katz, and Melissa S. Kearney, January 2006. AER)
但是也有人反對
Paul Krugman
I think it's really important to realize that we have only a modest amount of direct evidence that technological change is driving increased income inequality. That is, while there have been a few studies showing some connection between increased use of IT and changes in the wage structure, very little of the conventional wisdom that technology is the culpritis based on those studies.
So why is technology given the credit? Basically because it's the residual category - and as Bob Solow said about the role of technology in growth, the residual is the measure of our ignorance. We estimate the effects ofthe stuff whose effects we know how to measure - taxes and globalization, mainly - and then attribute the rest to technology.
The point is that it's all too possible that we're attributing to technology rising inequality that may be largely due to hard-to-quantify political and institutional change.
著名勞工經濟學家David Card
It seemed like analysts were saying: “It's all just SBTC. There's nothing more to say.” We wanted to point out that there are many, many puzzles that SBTC can't explain and that people should be working on. 因為
A key problem for the SBTC hypothesis is that wage inequality stabilized in the 1990s despite continuing advances in computer technology; SBTC also fails to explain the evolution of other dimensions of wage inequality, including the gender and racial wage gaps and the age gradient in the return to education.
Skill-Biased Technological Change and Rising Wage Inequality: Some Problems and Puzzles
David Card and John E. DiNardo
Journal of Labor Economics, 2002, vol. 20, no. 4
比較有趣的是最低工資和工會的效果。
就工會來說,David Card的研究指出,de-unionization explains between 10 and 20 percent of the rise in wage inequality for men over the past 30 years
---“Falling Union Membership and Rising Wage Inequality: What's the Connection?”
就最低工資的效果來說,這幾篇著名論文發現:
DiNardo, J., Fortin, N. M. and Lemieux, T. (1996). 'Labor market institutions and the distribution of wages, 1973–1992', Econometrica, vol. 64(5), pp. 1001–44.
They hold minimum wages responsible for 25% of the increase in wage dispersion during the 1980s
Lee, David S. 1999. “Wage Inequality in the United States During the 1980s: Rising Dispersion or Falling Minimum Wage?” Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 114, 3, August, 977-1023.
"almost all of the growth in the wage gap between the tenth and fiftieth percentile is attributable to the erosion of the real value of the federal minimum during the 1980s."
Coen N. Teulings (2003) “The contribution of minimum wages to increasing wage inequality”, The Economic Journal 113 (490), 801–833.
"minimum wages can explain the whole increase in wage inequality in the lower half of the wage distribution during the 1980s."
Brad Delong不太相信制度可以解釋很多,但是還是有部分解釋力。
My sense (and it is just a guess) is that declining unionization and union power might account for perhaps a fifth of the widening in income inequality; that reductions in the value of the minimum wage might account for a tenth; and that legal changes that have shifted the balance of power within the corporation toward CEOs might account for another tenth.
這個科技變遷因素大概是不少經濟學家都同意的結果。(例如這篇新文章:
David H. Autor, Lawrence F. Katz, and Melissa S. Kearney, January 2006. AER)
但是也有人反對
Paul Krugman
I think it's really important to realize that we have only a modest amount of direct evidence that technological change is driving increased income inequality. That is, while there have been a few studies showing some connection between increased use of IT and changes in the wage structure, very little of the conventional wisdom that technology is the culpritis based on those studies.
So why is technology given the credit? Basically because it's the residual category - and as Bob Solow said about the role of technology in growth, the residual is the measure of our ignorance. We estimate the effects ofthe stuff whose effects we know how to measure - taxes and globalization, mainly - and then attribute the rest to technology.
The point is that it's all too possible that we're attributing to technology rising inequality that may be largely due to hard-to-quantify political and institutional change.
著名勞工經濟學家David Card
It seemed like analysts were saying: “It's all just SBTC. There's nothing more to say.” We wanted to point out that there are many, many puzzles that SBTC can't explain and that people should be working on. 因為
A key problem for the SBTC hypothesis is that wage inequality stabilized in the 1990s despite continuing advances in computer technology; SBTC also fails to explain the evolution of other dimensions of wage inequality, including the gender and racial wage gaps and the age gradient in the return to education.
Skill-Biased Technological Change and Rising Wage Inequality: Some Problems and Puzzles
David Card and John E. DiNardo
Journal of Labor Economics, 2002, vol. 20, no. 4
比較有趣的是最低工資和工會的效果。
就工會來說,David Card的研究指出,de-unionization explains between 10 and 20 percent of the rise in wage inequality for men over the past 30 years
---“Falling Union Membership and Rising Wage Inequality: What's the Connection?”
就最低工資的效果來說,這幾篇著名論文發現:
DiNardo, J., Fortin, N. M. and Lemieux, T. (1996). 'Labor market institutions and the distribution of wages, 1973–1992', Econometrica, vol. 64(5), pp. 1001–44.
They hold minimum wages responsible for 25% of the increase in wage dispersion during the 1980s
Lee, David S. 1999. “Wage Inequality in the United States During the 1980s: Rising Dispersion or Falling Minimum Wage?” Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 114, 3, August, 977-1023.
"almost all of the growth in the wage gap between the tenth and fiftieth percentile is attributable to the erosion of the real value of the federal minimum during the 1980s."
Coen N. Teulings (2003) “The contribution of minimum wages to increasing wage inequality”, The Economic Journal 113 (490), 801–833.
"minimum wages can explain the whole increase in wage inequality in the lower half of the wage distribution during the 1980s."
Brad Delong不太相信制度可以解釋很多,但是還是有部分解釋力。
My sense (and it is just a guess) is that declining unionization and union power might account for perhaps a fifth of the widening in income inequality; that reductions in the value of the minimum wage might account for a tenth; and that legal changes that have shifted the balance of power within the corporation toward CEOs might account for another tenth.
引用URL
http://cgi.blog.roodo.com/trackback/2867129
回應文章 
真是一篇詳細的整理,受益良多,請容許我順著你的資料提一些個人看法,不妥之處尚請見諒!
美國為什麼沒有社會主義?正如你另ㄧ篇文章指出的,但看完你這篇文章之後,我也很想問,美國的左派到哪裡去了?如果你所介紹的都是當今的檯面人物,那他們有一個共通點,就是都是neoclassical經濟學家(你知道的,neoclassical要成為左派有其先天困難),這樣的說法當然有點以人廢言,但當我看到他們斤斤計較於幾個百分點的explanation power或correlation,火氣就上來了:當現今資本主義以"量產"的方式製造弱勢時,這些蛋頭學者們居然還在為一些零頭吵來吵去!
請原諒我這麼貶低美式工會,最低工資或教育的價值,因為我很擔心有了這些表面的改革之後,更深層的改革就會被忽略了,我相信你同意,愈是在全球化的時代,國家愈是責無旁貸,因為個人,弱勢,甚至工會的力量相對於企業的力量都愈來愈小了,國家應該找些新的工具或做法,把企業逼到談判桌上,這其中最關鍵的就是國家自己要先進行質變,如果美國依然把自己定位成資本主義的盟主,那麼永遠只會在邊緣的地方改變,要他變成另ㄧ個歐洲國家是不可能的!
上述的看法也可以印證到台灣,因為台灣ㄧ向奉美國為圭臬,制度如此,政策亦如此,如果你知道企業是如何透過員工股利分紅一次次地宰割廣大投資戶(最近是明碁的案例),而在這過程中弱勢是如何被量產出來的,你就會明白我的焦急跟無奈!就像Spanish Train裡面的上帝跟撒旦的賭博: "oh lord, you let him win!"
美國為什麼沒有社會主義?正如你另ㄧ篇文章指出的,但看完你這篇文章之後,我也很想問,美國的左派到哪裡去了?如果你所介紹的都是當今的檯面人物,那他們有一個共通點,就是都是neoclassical經濟學家(你知道的,neoclassical要成為左派有其先天困難),這樣的說法當然有點以人廢言,但當我看到他們斤斤計較於幾個百分點的explanation power或correlation,火氣就上來了:當現今資本主義以"量產"的方式製造弱勢時,這些蛋頭學者們居然還在為一些零頭吵來吵去!
請原諒我這麼貶低美式工會,最低工資或教育的價值,因為我很擔心有了這些表面的改革之後,更深層的改革就會被忽略了,我相信你同意,愈是在全球化的時代,國家愈是責無旁貸,因為個人,弱勢,甚至工會的力量相對於企業的力量都愈來愈小了,國家應該找些新的工具或做法,把企業逼到談判桌上,這其中最關鍵的就是國家自己要先進行質變,如果美國依然把自己定位成資本主義的盟主,那麼永遠只會在邊緣的地方改變,要他變成另ㄧ個歐洲國家是不可能的!
上述的看法也可以印證到台灣,因為台灣ㄧ向奉美國為圭臬,制度如此,政策亦如此,如果你知道企業是如何透過員工股利分紅一次次地宰割廣大投資戶(最近是明碁的案例),而在這過程中弱勢是如何被量產出來的,你就會明白我的焦急跟無奈!就像Spanish Train裡面的上帝跟撒旦的賭博: "oh lord, you let him win!"
Posted by kay
at March 26,2007 14:00
美國的確很不平等.
個人提出一個解決之道: 叫那些翻漢堡及工廠生產線員工在週末"犧牲"他們上保齡球館或看電視的時間,而到那些管理階層家中割草, 來解決"社會不平等"的問題.
怎麼說呢? 事實上這裡所講的不平等是休閒/工作時間的不平等.
如果妳只說"收入"的不平等,而乎略了工作/進修時間的不平等, 妳顯然不了解快樂的定義. 快樂不只是麵包紅酒的好壞,或你開的車的牌子而已, 妳看電視, 陪小孩, 甚至上酒吧都增加了你的快樂. 當你的老闆每天比你多2小時工作,下班之後還花2小時唸書進修,而犧牲他與小孩相處的時間. 而你快樂的看電影, 泡館子, 上網路, 坐在電視機前面. 妳怎能要求你的老闆將他的收入透過稅制跟你"重新分配",而你不用將你的休閒時間娜出來跟他"重新分配"? How about 你老闆從小就每天比你多2小時的付出, 在學業方面, 在演講辯論, 在球類團體運動, 在社團領導統御所下的功夫? 妳怎麼不跟他去"重新分配"那些時間苦心?
http://www.slate.com/id/2161309/
http://www.bos.frb.org/economic/wp/wp2006/wp0602.pdf
個人提出一個解決之道: 叫那些翻漢堡及工廠生產線員工在週末"犧牲"他們上保齡球館或看電視的時間,而到那些管理階層家中割草, 來解決"社會不平等"的問題.
怎麼說呢? 事實上這裡所講的不平等是休閒/工作時間的不平等.
如果妳只說"收入"的不平等,而乎略了工作/進修時間的不平等, 妳顯然不了解快樂的定義. 快樂不只是麵包紅酒的好壞,或你開的車的牌子而已, 妳看電視, 陪小孩, 甚至上酒吧都增加了你的快樂. 當你的老闆每天比你多2小時工作,下班之後還花2小時唸書進修,而犧牲他與小孩相處的時間. 而你快樂的看電影, 泡館子, 上網路, 坐在電視機前面. 妳怎能要求你的老闆將他的收入透過稅制跟你"重新分配",而你不用將你的休閒時間娜出來跟他"重新分配"? How about 你老闆從小就每天比你多2小時的付出, 在學業方面, 在演講辯論, 在球類團體運動, 在社團領導統御所下的功夫? 妳怎麼不跟他去"重新分配"那些時間苦心?
http://www.slate.com/id/2161309/
http://www.bos.frb.org/economic/wp/wp2006/wp0602.pdf
Posted by 阿峰
at March 27,2007 05:49
阿峰,
你說的我完全同意,不平等不能只看收入,幸福也不能用收入來衡量.
但我上了你介紹的網站,很遺憾的發現他們的觀點是比較市場面的,是把leisure當作一種新興趨勢(或進ㄧ步,一種新興產業)來思考,所以有leisure class的出現,但這背後隱含的是choice, a choice between work and leisure, what about those who don't have choices?
我無意冒犯,真的很希望有種論述能夠economize弱勢或窮人的價值,既不是阿Q式的精神勝利法,亦非右派的何不食肉糜,而是比較回歸人的本質,平等的一種論述...
你說的我完全同意,不平等不能只看收入,幸福也不能用收入來衡量.
但我上了你介紹的網站,很遺憾的發現他們的觀點是比較市場面的,是把leisure當作一種新興趨勢(或進ㄧ步,一種新興產業)來思考,所以有leisure class的出現,但這背後隱含的是choice, a choice between work and leisure, what about those who don't have choices?
我無意冒犯,真的很希望有種論述能夠economize弱勢或窮人的價值,既不是阿Q式的精神勝利法,亦非右派的何不食肉糜,而是比較回歸人的本質,平等的一種論述...
Posted by kay
at March 27,2007 11:10
Hi Kay,
我也希望每個人都能活的快樂, 對於那些不幸的, "沒有選擇"的人, 我是主張社會應給予基本保障與尊嚴的. 但是這跟社會的平等沒直接關係吧. 如果今天有一個社會其前10%的人可以賺一百萬, 而底層10%的人可以賺5萬美元. 你覺得那個社會的問題在哪裡?
另外, "回歸人的本質,平等的一種論述"是什麼意思呢? 可不可以解釋一下呢?
我也希望每個人都能活的快樂, 對於那些不幸的, "沒有選擇"的人, 我是主張社會應給予基本保障與尊嚴的. 但是這跟社會的平等沒直接關係吧. 如果今天有一個社會其前10%的人可以賺一百萬, 而底層10%的人可以賺5萬美元. 你覺得那個社會的問題在哪裡?
另外, "回歸人的本質,平等的一種論述"是什麼意思呢? 可不可以解釋一下呢?
Posted by 阿峰
at March 28,2007 21:22
阿峰,
關於經濟所造成的社會不平等,這個版應該有很多專家,我也不必獻醜了,至於這個趨勢是否有在加大,之前也有許多討論了,所以也不需贅述了.
我是研究經濟地理的,最近一直在關注全球化與科技產業(包括你比較熟悉的金融產業),我發現目前的討論都還是侷限在國境範圍內,忽略了跨國界經濟活動對社會不平等所造成的巨大影響,所以忍不住插一下花,當然這方面研究目前還非常欠缺實證,部份也是因為現有數據還是非常以國家為導向的.
至於平等的論述,那是開你玩笑的,因為你的說法有點何不食肉糜(窮人們何不好好享受休閒?),還好你很有風度,幸會啦!
關於經濟所造成的社會不平等,這個版應該有很多專家,我也不必獻醜了,至於這個趨勢是否有在加大,之前也有許多討論了,所以也不需贅述了.
我是研究經濟地理的,最近一直在關注全球化與科技產業(包括你比較熟悉的金融產業),我發現目前的討論都還是侷限在國境範圍內,忽略了跨國界經濟活動對社會不平等所造成的巨大影響,所以忍不住插一下花,當然這方面研究目前還非常欠缺實證,部份也是因為現有數據還是非常以國家為導向的.
至於平等的論述,那是開你玩笑的,因為你的說法有點何不食肉糜(窮人們何不好好享受休閒?),還好你很有風度,幸會啦!
Posted by Kay
at April 10,2007 11:13